The sacrifices of overseas Filipinos for their homeland: The
story of Samar
congressman-elect Doloy Coquilla
By CESAR TORRES
May
28, 2007
Filipinos are a very
caring people.
We show our concern
for our families, friends, and causes in the homeland in countless
ways. Some of us have high school and college scholars. We send money
to elementary schools and for the education of our kins and even non-kins
if they are in great need. We send medicines and multivitamins for
our family members and friends. We are implored to finance birthday
celebrations, weddings, fiestas, and other religious and social
activities. We send money for hospital bills and for burial expenses.
We contribute whatever we can during the frequent calamities
afflicting our homeland.
We send those "Balikbayan"
boxes which are packed with plastic spoons, knives, and forks, even
letter envelopes, staplers, scotch tapes, chocolate which melt along
the way and which are then scooped with plastic spoons from their
plastic containers when they are received there. We send books,
National Geographic and other magazines, California and San Francisco
calendars, dried fruits, Pistachio nuts, toys, used clothing, baseball
caps, sun visors, smoked salmon, Beef Jerky, and our favorite, Carne
Norte or corned beef. We also send computers back home.
For Filipinos going on
vacation to the homeland who are departing from the San Francisco
International Airport, I sometimes see their Balikbayan boxes being
pushed and pulled and packed and repacked and weighed and reweighed
when preparing to check in. Sometimes they are kicked by tired and
irritated passengers especially when husband and wife are fighting
because of those boxes. If you see a Balikbayan box in an
international airport, a Filipino is around. They are almost
inseparable. I once overheard an amused Caucasian in the San Francisco
International Airport calling those Balikbayan boxes as "Filipino
Samsonite".
For the more
socially-conscious and who have more money, some contribute to a fund
to build classrooms. Still others contribute a minimum $1,500 – it
used to be just $1,200 – to build a house for a family who might be
residing in their quaint and picturesque houses made of card board,
making babies in their pushcarts, sleeping with the dead in some
graveyards, going home to their mansions under the bridges. The house
building is under the sponsorship of Gawad Kalinga. Others donate the
ABS-CBN Educational TV System to elementary schools.
The more
profit-oriented, try to convince corporations, investors, and the
wealthy with lots of money to invest in some economic enterprises in
the Philippines.
While others who are
close to the politicians in
America
join the special trips and the delegations when their politico friends
are given awards and recognition in Manila. Some Filipinos in
San Francisco
are well-known for this.
This one is a fairly
recent innovation conceived by the tourism managers and the foreign
service officers. Filipinos abroad are invited to join package tours
to the Philippines
with our diplomats as tourist guides. The tours culminate in an
audience with the President in Malacañang Palace, the Presidential
residence.
We also have the
“Extreme Patriots”. They don't only send their hard-earned dollars,
Euros, yens, and other currencies and Balikbayan boxes. Some are
prepared to offer their lives for their homeland, even if they do not
speak a single Filipino dialect, not even the Philippine national
language, Pilipino.
Many may not belong to
this latter category of “Extreme Patriots” or to the other types of
Filipinos sacrificing for the homeland. But they are still very
nationalistic, but are more practical. For one, they are not quite
convinced that they should offer their lives and become martyrs for
the 90 million Filipinos, and that the Filipinos are worth dying for.
But they sacrifice so much also. They sell their houses, their
businesses, their apartments, their restaurants in America; get equity
from the homes that are still unsold, and offer themselves to our
people back there as an alternative to the incompetent and corrupt
political and governmental leaders in the Philippines. To this
category would belong Teodulo Coquilla. "Doloy" to us or Teddy James "Doloy"
Coquilla when he was still hobnobbing with us Samarnons in the San
Francisco Bay Area. Doloy is the Congressman-Elect of the Province of
Eastern Samar.
We are writing about
Doloy because somehow he personifies the thousands of Filipinos,
especially those in America and other parts of the world, who are
dreaming of going back to their homeland and serving our people in
whatever capacity. But for one reason or another, they have not made
the leap.
But the Hamlet-like
indecisiveness of many well-meaning Filipino expatriates seems to be
changing. In the last election, two of our friends, U.P. alumni both,
who are Dual American and Filipino Citizens – Theodore Makabulos "Kuya
Ted" Aquino and a Doctor of Medicine, Dr. Anacleto "Toto" Millendez –
declared their candidacies for the Philippine Congress. Ted Aquino's
candidacy for Senator was twisted like a pretzel by the Philippine
Commission on Elections. In the case of Dr. Toto Millendez, who filed
his candidacy in
Davao for Congressman against the almost unshakeable
political fortress of Prospero Nograles, Doctor Toto as we fondly call
him, our starry-eyed political reformer, conceded defeat before the
canvassing of votes was over.
But the case of Doloy
is unlike the two starry-eyed U.P. alumni. Doloy had cast his lot
with his people before the two had made up their minds. He gave up his
American citizenship. Even if he was starry-eyed, he was also very
practical and more importantly, financially well-prepared. Despite
initial setbacks when the system yanked him out as Mayor of Oras in
Eastern Samar, he bounced back. This time as a Congressman. Due to a
confluence of events, Doloy bested the wife of Congressman Marcelino
Libanan, Elda, who was a member of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's
ruling clique in the government and whose resources were whispered to
be beyond calculation.
Doloy won by 7,107
votes, a number which providentially is the same as the number of
islands constituting the Phililppine Archipelago. There were some
dramatic incidents during the canvassing. Religious Samarnons with
lighted candles, held a procession, prayed the rosary, sang "Ave
Maria" and prayed "Our Father", invoking the wrath of God should their
hope for a better Eastern Samar, Doloy Coquilla, is cheated of his
votes by "Garcification". They stopped at the provincial capitol
building where the canvassing was being held.
There were some
political betrayals also when he made known his plan to run for
Congress against the Libanans. True to their innate nature of
political opportunism and lack of principles, which they might have
equated with "political pragmatism", prominent Samarnon politicians
from Northern and Eastern Samar who initially pledged their support to
Doloy changed their minds when they learned that Doloy may not have
the intellectual capability, the political insight, the legal
training, the bureaucratic expertise, the elegant writing ability, the
erudition, the voucher-signing and the magical qualities to influence
the honest and upright providers of goods and merchandise through
public bidding.
They were probably
dismayed when Doloy proudly proclaimed that it took him 9 years to
finish high school. And that he did not go to Ateneo, San Beda, U.P.,
Harvard or even the diploma mill schools in Samar, Tacloban or Manila;
and that his Bachelors and Masters degrees were earned in the U.S.
Navy. He was conferred his Ph.D. honoris causa, while slicing
onions, tomatoes, ginger, Jalapeño, carrots, vegetables, potatoes,
pork, chicharon, pounding garlic, preparing kilawen, etc. when he and
his lovely nurse-wife, Dayday, were managing a restaurant in Vallejo,
in the San Francisco Bay Area, in California. They could not
associate with someone like Doloy who believes in the dignity of
labor, in personal integrity, in honesty, and self-respect; in someone
who is incorruptible and who really wants to serve the people.
When he remembers the
betrayals of people whom he considered his friends, I could imagine
him white-hot with anger. So we had to remind him that he is
Congressman not only of those who supported him and voted for him and
guarded the ballot boxes in historic Homonhon against a possible
Garcification. He is the representative in Congress of even those who
hate him. We reminded him to extend the hand of peace and
reconciliation to those whom he hated as a true leader to his people.
How did he triumph in
Eastern Samar? For one, it seems that his political opponents had
overstayed their welcome and may have been out of touch with the
Samarnons already. They have been “Honorable” and powerful for 9
years. But despite this, the roads in Eastern Samar, among other
deficiencies, were labeled as "The Roads with a Thousand Lakes".
(Similarly, in Western Samar, the roads are referred to as "The Hell
Roads of Samar".) In contrast, Doloy was different. He campaigned in
practically all the 600 barangays in the entire province. He must
have been supported also by the true revolutionaries. But he is mum
about this. The voters probably took pity on him also because he was
being looked down as not worthy of being a Trapo. He was not allowed
to campaign in the town plazas.
The fighting between
the National Democratic Front and NPA guerillas on one hand and the
Government soldiers on the other hand in
Eastern Samar are not confined to the artificial political boundaries of
the Trapos. The guerillas roam all over the island, the entire
Philippines, including
the Netherlands.
We are all in this
together, in our solidarity with Teddy James “Doloy” Coquilla,
especially us Global Filipinos, we the Filipinos in Diaspora, who are
crying for our homeland. His triumph is our triumph.
We are fervently
praying though that, God forbid, his failures will not also be our
failures. But to me, a failure is unthinkable. Doloy can do no less,
but succeed in serving his people to the best of his ability, without
the slightest stain of corruption and opportunism. It is Doloy’s
destiny. And he saw this written on the stars, when he was sailing the
Seven Seas as a lowly and humble crew member of the warships of the
most powerful country on earth, America, while dreaming of that day
when he could be working with his people in his homeland in Samar, and
in Pilipinas Nating Mahal.
[Originally
published in the June 2007 issue of the Filipino Insider. The author
was a former faculty member of the University of the Philippines
Department of Political Science. He can be reached at
Cesar1185@aol.com
]
For Good Governance: A
To Do List for the Winners
By CHARO NABONG-CABARDO
May
26, 2007
I wrote the following
column for the second issue of SCOPE under the title, “Election Wishes
not Promises for Good Governance” which came out before the election.
With the election over, the newly elected officials must now go back
to work and I hope this will help them.
1. For Catbalogan,
make the upgrading of the facilities of the Bureau of Fire Protection
a priority project. The recent fires in Catbalogan demonstrated the
need for more fire trucks of varying sizes, long hoses, communication
facilities, other fire fighting equipment and a fire station that
shows it is in tip top shape.
2. Now that Catbalogan
will be a city, it needs a vision and a long term master development
plan that every elected mayor must continue to implement until our
vision is attained. From election to election, its development depends
on the abilities or the inabilities of the elected officials. Catbalogan
deserves more than this. It needs concerted planning to develop and
move it forward. And a planning process based on up-to-date data and
the participation of various stakeholders. Only then will its myriad
problems can be addressed in an integrated, sustainable and rational
manner.
3. In fact, it is not
only Catbalogan but all LGUs should craft master development
plans. The DILG requires that each LGU submit a Comprehensive Land Use
Plan (CLUP) but this is only a component of a master development
plan. Samar province should have a master development plan. For the
past decades, we have been fooling ourselves that Samar is a poor
province. But Samar is a rich province. We are in an island where we
have the largest unfragmented lowland forest in the whole country
(360,000 hectares which includes 120,000 hectares of primary
forests). Maqueda Bay
was one of the richest fishing grounds in the
Philippines. Thanks
to the good ecological condition of our forests, our watersheds can
provide us a steady supply of water in the years to come. We have
large tracts of land planted to coconuts. We have beautiful
waterfalls, rivers, extensive caves, beaches, rock formations that
could easily be converted into tourist attractions. And we have a
climate change that is advantageous to farming. Samar province has
become poor because of poor governance. It is poor governance that
allowed the plunder of our resources and coffers.
4. LGUs should also
invest in research and data-base. Plans are unrealistic if they are
not based on solid data. The MPDOs of the municipalities of Basey and
Gandara have done excellent work in research and establishment of
their municipal data-bases.
5. For LGUs in both
municipal and provincial levels, make the participation of various
sectors in governance not just a token participation but a real and
functional participation. In the past years, Municipal Development
Councils and Provincial Development Councils are convened only if the
mayor or the governor needs its required approval.
6. Again for our LGUs
to invest in farming and fisheries, the main livelihoods of most
Samarnons. The past decade have shown a climate change in
Samar island, a climate change that is to our advantage. Typhoon
occurrence in our island has decreased and so has its intensity, while
the traditional food baskets in
Central Luzon, Quezon
and Bicol have been devastated by ferocious typhoons. We should turn
this blessing into an opportunity for us to be food sufficient if not
grow surplus rice, vegetables and fruits.
7. Our fisheries are
also in steady decline. Where before, truckloads of marine products
were shipped daily to Manila, now we can count our blessings if we can
fill a truck with fish and other sea produce in a week. Maqueda Bay
needs development and management. This should be a priority
legislative and executive agenda for most LGUs.
8. A provincial
hospital that is free of politics! This is perhaps the only province
in the Philippines where a life and death matter is subjected to the
whims of those in power. There are no medicines and medical supplies
available and recently, the medical personnel have also taken
leave. It is already bad that most of our doctors have left for abroad
to become nurses, the remaining medical facility is just unable to
respond to our medical needs. Catbalogan and other key municipalities
should also strive to have its own hospital.
9. Push for lower
electric rates. We are in a region where we have the largest
geothermal deposits in the country as our source of energy, yet we
have the highest rate of electricity and continuous to suffer from
insufferable brownouts. The power transmission lines pass through our
municipalities bringing power from Tongonan, Leyte to Luzon. How about
us? Shouldn’t we benefit from this regional resource?
10. For our next
provincial board to exercise independence, good judgment, and
adherence to good governance and public service. Restore the budgets
of the different departments to these units for them to be
operational.
11. All these
development needs an environment of peace. Elected officials should
make peace in Samar a development agenda.
And the good news
is, guess what? All these are realizable within a term of three years.
Elected, officials must initiate these actions, if they wish to make
any difference in Samar.
The People's
International Observers' Mission (IOM)
FINAL PRESS STATEMENT
Manila , Philippines, Friday,
May 18th, 2007
Delegates of the
People's International Observers' Mission (IOM), representing 12
countries from throughout the world, were dispatched from May 14th to
16th in order to observe, document and report on the mid-term national
elections from the ground in 7 key voting regions throughout the
Philippines.
Participants in the
IOM traveled from Australia, Belgium, Canada, Germany, South Korea,
Japan, Myanmar, Norway, Scotland, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the
U.S. in response to an international appeal from numerous church
leaders, professionals, academics and grassroots organizations in the
Philippines working to observe the democratic process in the face of
alleged electoral fraud, militarization and violence rampant during
the 2004 national elections.
Contrary to an
internationally publicized statement from President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo
that Filipino voters "cast their ballot, free of coercion and
according to their own will," representatives of the IOM witnessed a
strikingly different reality including: significant number of
disenfranchisement of voters, vote buying and multiple voting, deadly
election-related violence, direct intimidation of voters by elements
of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), suspicious absence and
abandonment of duties and responsibilities of COMELEC officials at
numerous voting locations and incidents of overt coercion by
candidates from powerful political clans.
Detailed information
on the election process collected by IOM representatives working
throughout the country pointed to an intimate relationship between
systemic violations of the electoral process in 2007, the ongoing
socio-economic crisis in the Philippines rooted in neo-liberal
economic policies and the terror of systemic extra-judicial killings
which have claimed the lives of over 850 people since 2001.
Representatives of the
IOM working in Tondo,
Manila during the elections encountered an election observer from
the U.S. Embassy in
Manila
who stated that "the Philippines is clearly a vibrant democracy,"
amidst the election chaos, fraud and violence on top of diminishing
avenues for democratic participation.
The IOM has concluded
that all political and electoral related killings in the Philippines
place a shadow over the entire national electoral process and must be
seriously investigated on a national and international level.
IOM representatives
also collected multiple testimonies gathered from community
representatives outlining systematic harassment of voters supporting
legitimate political party-lists by the AFP in voting districts
throughout the country. Concrete documentation of an organized
vilification campaign carried out both overtly and covertly by the AFP
against legitimate party-lists was also gathered by the IOM.
Despite this reality,
grassroots organizations throughout the electoral districts have made
impressive organized popular efforts to safeguard their democratic
rights.
Throughout the
Philippines overt political coercion through electoral corruption,
open 'vote buying', rampant breaches of electoral regulations and
outright terror fashioned a context through which economic and
political dynasties attempted to perpetuate their positions of power
through the mid-term elections.
Multiple international
IOM teams gathered comprehensive information on the Filipino electoral
process, including extensive interviews with affected voters, hours of
video testimony, hundreds of photographs from the following 10 areas;
Tondo, Manila; Makati City; Quezon in Southern Tagalog; Sorsogon &
Masbate in Bicol; Nueva Ecija & Pampanga in Central Luzon; Cebu in the
Visayas; Islamic City of Marawi in Lanao del Sur & Compostela Valley
in Mindanao.
IOM observers have
compiled the collected data and are in the process of drafting a final
report and a series of recommendations to be broadcast to the people
of the Philippines, the ruling governmental Administration and the
international community.
Among the initial
recommendations concluded by the People's International Observers'
Mission (IOM) are the following: institute major changes in the
electoral processes and procedures in order to make them less
cumbersome; insulate the elections from the partisanship of
governmental agencies and public officials; alter the culture of fraud
engendered by traditional politicians; effectively halt the military's
interventionist role within the election process; reinforce the
party-list system in order to guarantee genuine representation of
marginalized sectors; elevate the consciousness and education of
voters; conduct an independent and serious investigation on the
conduct of the 2004 national elections in order to resolve the
question of legitimacy of Arroyo's mandate.
The diverse array
of 27 observers who participated in the People's IOM, including trade
unionists, students, social activists, clergy, academics, artists, and
lawyers from around the world accompanied by national and local
leaders of church, grassroots, and non-governmental organizations have
contributed an essential piece to the popular effort to support the
realization of democracy in the Philippines.
Escalating poll
violence symptoms of a corrupted, rotten system
A Statement by the
Asian Human Rights Commission
May 2, 2007
As the campaign period
is ongoing and elections will be held on May 14 there is also an
increasingly alarming trend of election-related violence. Targeted
killings and ambushes of sectoral and local candidates, either a
result of fierce political rivalry or threats, had since been taking
place--a cycle of violence that has become a subconsciously acceptable
fact of life in the Philippines’ electoral process. These are among
the many instances of how the country’s system had become corrupted
and rotten, in particular on security, investigation and prosecution
matters.
The election period is
the time where both allies and foes can either turn against each other
by way of exposing corrupt and illegal practices. Whistle blowers and
those who have personal knowledge of a public official’s illegal acts
while in position come out in public in an effort to discredit
candidates. Friends, relatives and even family members become fierce
foes in an attempt to eliminate any threats to their political
aspirations that might damage their political standing. What we see
are potential witnesses of criminal acts committed by public officials
coming forward, whatever their motives are. The candidates are
likewise so seriously threatened that they have to seek protection
from the police while campaigning, but not all of them are lucky to
receive protection and some are killed either before receiving it.
In the event wherein
witnesses, whistle blowers or political rivals are killed, there is
the likelihood that their case will go unresolved and the killers
unpunished. Firstly, the police investigation process does not provide
protection to witnesses to the crime. Thus, there is likelihood that
the police will focus seriously
on the political motive of the killing, rather than the possibility
that it could have been perpetrated by others who might have taken
advantage of the situation. Incidents like this, and to exploit the
ineffective investigation of the police, could be potential material
for political propaganda that could be seriously damaging even for
innocent persons. The intention of finding the truth is subverted by
the lack of witnesses, propaganda and the lack of the capability of
the police to investigate. The result is simply that the case will not
be solved.
Secondly, one of the
reasons is as to why the witnesses delayed in coming out in public.
Obviously they find it suitable to do this during an election period
because they could at least obtain some sort of protection, no matter
how unofficial and negligible it is. Any public officials and
politicians would obviously ensure provision of protection for
individuals when they could gain something from them, or boost their
political standing and credibility. But soon after the witnesses and
whistle blowers would find themselves once again out in the open once
the politician has won. Unlike during the election period, getting
security and protection is completely impossible for witnesses or any
individuals facing threats. What is feasible and practical in reality
is informal protection – those provided by politicians, influential
persons, church organizations and the like--but these are not official
as provided by law – the Witness Protection, Security and Benefit Act
(RA 6981). Still witnesses in these situations faces serious risks and
threats to their lives.
Thirdly, even criminal
and cases of corrupt practice proceed to prosecution after the
election period and aggrieved parties are in power, still there is
little assurance the perpetrators are prosecuted or punished. The
classic example was the assassination of the late Benigno “Ninoy”
Aquino during the Marcos regime. Years after he was killed, his wife,
Corazon, took over power by way of the peaceful people’s revolt in
1986. But even after Corazon was in power, the likelihood of her
husband’s case being resolved is negligible. There are allegations
that the mastermind and real perpetrators may have not been disclosed,
and those prosecuted have likewise professed innocence to the
assassination. Whatever the case is, the prosecution is delayed and
inconclusive. This is the fact of life in the country’s policing and
prosecution system.
In the Philippines,
the prosecution of perpetrators and offenders in recent times has
proven almost impossible. Not only due to extreme delays and lack of
resources, the ongoing practices of public prosecutors are in itself
arbitrary. In recent times, although the law requires and the
prosecutors are mandated to prosecute of all unlawful offenses, the
usual practice however is otherwise. Prosecutors had taken up the
practice of settling the disputes and criminal cases outside court.
This, presumably in an effort to prevent the piling up of cases in
court, they have become the arbiter instead and the government
directly endorses this as methods to promptly and to speedy resolved
cases. The prosecutors could find this practice as a convenient excuse
not to perform their duties. Often prosecutors are even complaining of
over criminalization of offenses, and have already downplayed victims
complaining of torture as normal. The victims and complainants are
often left with no option but to settle amicably.
For victims and
complainants who decided to settle cases outside court and those
vulnerable to being offered money, in most cases does not mean they
are no longer interested in seeking legal action. It is the harsh
situation and the systematic defects that frustrates them and forced
them to the corner to yield. In a condition of insecurity, lack of
protection, the delays and high cost in the prosecution of cases,
among others, the entrenched bad habit of “forgiving and forgetting”
have pierced into the fabric of Filipino society. It is the
impossibility of prosecuting perpetrators in a rotten criminal justice
system that forced victims to give up and yield. Nothing is wrong with
the witnesses, victims and complainants refusing or giving up their
cases, but it is the rotten system that forced them to do so that went
wrong.
What is even more
alarming in recent times is that none of these defects, in particular
the country’s policing and prosecution systems, have been taken
seriously as important issues. Not even the electorate, who has all
the right to demand to ensure this, seriously considers this as a
priority. In
Hong Kong, the election turnout for Filipinos’ absentee voting was
extremely low, blaming distrust and possible cheating of the electoral
process that discourages them to cast votes. What is even more
frightening are people are now directly or indirectly giving up their
right to vote, even in normal situations. Once again, the electorates
are forced by conditions in the country to distrust and lose faith
that change is possible in a rotten system.
After May 14, the
political leadership--from local, national and sectoral – could
change; but unless the core of why injustice, corruption and poverty,
among others, is effectively and properly addressed by giving priority
to improving the country’s criminal justice system and to ensure its
functioning, no substantial progress will ever be achieved. The Asian
Human Rights Commission (AHRC) urges the Filipino and the
international community concerned about the worsening condition of
human rights in the country to take this opportunity to discuss and to
reflect on this systemic defect to give meaning to the electoral
process and discourse. Unless the electorate and the leadership deeply
reflect on this systemic defect, the cycle of escalating poll
violence, assurance of complete impunity and the like remains
inevitable in a rotten system. These problems for a long time have
been a reflection of the collapse of the rule of law in the country.
Arroyo
will go down in history like Marcos
A joint
Press Statement by HUSTISYA, SELDA and DESAPARECIDOS
March 26, 2007
Spread
the word, Gloria Arroyo and her government is guilty of crimes against
the Filipino people. She is set to go down in history like the
Dictator Ferdinand Marcos.
We, the
complainants who made the appeal to the Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal to
hear our charges versus Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, are happy with the
tribunal’s verdict.
We are
proven correct in our belief that only a body independent of Arroyo’s
influence and political clout can come out with a strong verdict
unlike in the Philippines where the judiciary is subjugated by the
whims of the Executive Office and rendered useless by state terrorism.
We are
very much elated with the verdict, even if we know that it will not
directly result to the arrest of Arroyo and her supporters. But as she
is condemned by the world as a criminal and as perpetrator of these
human rights violations, for us victims, we are given hope, a glimmer
of the light of justice. Like Marcos, she has sown terror and fear
among the people, and now she will reap the condemnation of the
Filipino people and the world. This is the beginning of her regime’s
end.
She and
her cohorts may have prevented the truth from coming out when she
successfully blocked two impeachment trials, but they had no way to
stop the glaring evidence against her in an international opinion
court. Now, the truth is out, and the whole world will know about her
crimes: the extrajudicial killings, abductions and enforced
disappearances, massacres, illegal arrests and arbitrary detention,
attacks against the communities, attacks on peasants, workers, women
and children.
The
Marcos dictatorship was also tried and found guilty by the PPT in
1980, before it was finally ousted in 1986.
We will
now bring the results of the PPT to the wider public, in the country
and abroad. And we will also find more venues to bring our cases
against Arroyo, Bush and their supporters.
Our
testimonies and evidences were sufficiently heard by the international
tribunal that found the Arroyo regime along with the government of US
Pres. George W. Bush guilty for violations of political, economic and
cultural rights and the people’s right to self-determination.