“Long Knives”
Season
By
JUAN
L. MERCADO, juan_mercado77@yahoo.com
January 11, 2013
"...once you lose principle, it can never be regained.”
Tension between journalists,
publishers and officials, is as old as the 1440 AD Guttenberg press.
It resurfaced in Sun Star Cebu and tabloid Superbalita, the country’s
most widely-circulated community papers.
Sun Star Cebu is flagship
for a syndicated network of 13 papers. An average of 473,107 viewers
daily surf the paper’s electronic version. The paper garnered 236
local and international awards, since launched in November 1982 by the
Garcia family. It posts a profit. Women run the top three editorial
posts. Professionalism kept politics at bay. Till now?
DILG Secretary Mar Roxas’
suspension of Gov. Gwendolyn Garcia lit the brawl. Garcia is not a
candidate for canonization. But she was canned long after legal
deadlines lapsed. It took 474 days from filing of charges to
suspension. That straddled start of the 2013 campaign. Garcia burrowed
into her office while DILG swore in Agnes Magpale as acting governor.
This “season of the long
knives” dragged in Columnist Bobby Nalzaro’s columns. Sun Star carried
Nalzaro’s scathing criticisms of Gov. Garcia, despite periodic
personal sniping. The columns vanished after New Year.
“I’m on sabbatical”, Nalzaro
told Cebu Daily News. He’d been asked to stop writing “until the
Capitol conflict is resolved. It’s (the publisher’s) prerogative… I
understand them and respect their decision. After “the issue blows
over,” he’d decide what to do next.
“The press is a frail vessel
for the hopes it is meant to bear”, London’s Sunday Times editor
Harold Evans wrote. “The best it can do is never enough to illuminate
the complexity of forces and agencies that we can not monitor for
ourselves but affect our lives. A free, cultivated…resourceful and
honest press can only try. And if we ever get one, it will be
interesting to see what it achieves.”
In Britain, Lord Justice
Leveson completed, this November, an enquiry into a Guardian expose:
News of the World hacked mobile-phone messages of a girl who was
murdered. “The press is often thuggish,” the Leveson report states.
“The Press Complaints Commission is largely toothless.”
(Like the Philippine Press
Council? Some member-newspapers pillored Antonio Calipjo Go who blew
the whistle on textbook rackets – a valid charge President Aquino
agreed. PPC collapsed after accused papers ignored it’s request that
Calipjo Go’s side be published.)
Fleet Street editors heeded
the Leveson commission, and empowered their self-regulatory body to
impose fines up to £1million. They rejected oversight legislation but
welcomed an arbitration service for libel. (Sen. Vicente Sotto, this
January, sneaked in Section 4-c (4) on libel, as a rider, to the then
pending cybersex crime bill. That made libel non-bailable, press
groups protested.)
At “Southern Weekly” of
Guangzhou, China, an editorial, calling for human rights protection,
was pasted over by one praising the Communist Party. The staff staged
an precedented strike. Demonstrators waved chrysanthemums, flowers
used for funerals.
Will the “solution” that
striking journalists would not be punished hold?, Dow Jones asks.
That’d signal more elbow room under new rulers led by Li Jinping.
“Warm rice porridges from southern China can soothe the soul in
winter”, said a Beijing News front page feature. China observers
interpreted that as support for Southern Weekly, BBC reports.
Bearded terrorists shut down
Pioneer Press in 1951, forcing publisher and editor to flee Cebu.
Candidate Sergio Osmeña Jr. clubbed the Cuenco family for terrorism.
Once seated as governor, Osmeña cracked down on the Southern Star for
critical columns. The paper folded.
That ham-handedness rubbed
off on Osmeña’s son. In 2004, Mayor Tomas Osmeña threatened to shut
down GMA stations “for lack of business permits.” Osmeña vowed to sue
radio stations that refused City Hall ads, since it didn’t settle
earlier IOUs. He barred reporters from when displeased by their
reporting – then backed off.
President Joseph Estrada, in
July-November 1999, mounted an ad boycott against the Philippine Daily
Inquirer. Erap was infuriated by Inquirer’s reports on mounting graft
Estrada dangled a quid-pro-quo before movie producers: he’d grant
their request for tax incentives – if they would pull out their ads
from the Inquirer.
By the month’s end, half of
Inquirer’s top advertisers scrammed. A few, like the Ayala group of
companies and Marie France, stood their ground, recalls editor Jose
Nolasco. Name your price, a businessman close to Estrada told Sandy
Romualdez. “The Inquirer is not for sale, not at any price. We will
fight,” she told cheering employees.
Eleven years after his
failed boycott, ouster by People Power, conviction for plunder and
pardon, Erap visited Inquirer’s office. “Mr. President,” would you
instigate another boycott?, the editor asked. "I hear you owe the
people here P70,000 each,” referring to losses from the boycott. He
smiled. “It was the show biz people who started it. Sina Armida (Siguion-Reyna)
yun,” he said. “Di ba after four days, OK na ulit ang Inquirer?” Not
so, Inquirer editor in chief Letty Jimenez-Magsanoc quickly noted.
In Cebu’s press tensions,
what Inquirer’s Marixi Prieto told the Personnel Management
Association of the Philippines, at the peak of Estrada’s boycott
resonates: “Credibility is paramount in the news business. And
commitment to this principle requires sacrifice….The pullout of the
ads is just temporary, and we hope they’ll eventually come back. But
once you lose principle, it can never be regained.”