Escalating poll
violence symptoms of a corrupted, rotten system
A Statement by the
Asian Human Rights Commission
May 2, 2007
As the campaign period
is ongoing and elections will be held on May 14 there is also an
increasingly alarming trend of election-related violence. Targeted
killings and ambushes of sectoral and local candidates, either a
result of fierce political rivalry or threats, had since been taking
place--a cycle of violence that has become a subconsciously acceptable
fact of life in the Philippines’ electoral process. These are among
the many instances of how the country’s system had become corrupted
and rotten, in particular on security, investigation and prosecution
matters.
The election period is
the time where both allies and foes can either turn against each other
by way of exposing corrupt and illegal practices. Whistle blowers and
those who have personal knowledge of a public official’s illegal acts
while in position come out in public in an effort to discredit
candidates. Friends, relatives and even family members become fierce
foes in an attempt to eliminate any threats to their political
aspirations that might damage their political standing. What we see
are potential witnesses of criminal acts committed by public officials
coming forward, whatever their motives are. The candidates are
likewise so seriously threatened that they have to seek protection
from the police while campaigning, but not all of them are lucky to
receive protection and some are killed either before receiving it.
In the event wherein
witnesses, whistle blowers or political rivals are killed, there is
the likelihood that their case will go unresolved and the killers
unpunished. Firstly, the police investigation process does not provide
protection to witnesses to the crime. Thus, there is likelihood that
the police will focus seriously
on the political motive of the killing, rather than the possibility
that it could have been perpetrated by others who might have taken
advantage of the situation. Incidents like this, and to exploit the
ineffective investigation of the police, could be potential material
for political propaganda that could be seriously damaging even for
innocent persons. The intention of finding the truth is subverted by
the lack of witnesses, propaganda and the lack of the capability of
the police to investigate. The result is simply that the case will not
be solved.
Secondly, one of the
reasons is as to why the witnesses delayed in coming out in public.
Obviously they find it suitable to do this during an election period
because they could at least obtain some sort of protection, no matter
how unofficial and negligible it is. Any public officials and
politicians would obviously ensure provision of protection for
individuals when they could gain something from them, or boost their
political standing and credibility. But soon after the witnesses and
whistle blowers would find themselves once again out in the open once
the politician has won. Unlike during the election period, getting
security and protection is completely impossible for witnesses or any
individuals facing threats. What is feasible and practical in reality
is informal protection – those provided by politicians, influential
persons, church organizations and the like--but these are not official
as provided by law – the Witness Protection, Security and Benefit Act
(RA 6981). Still witnesses in these situations faces serious risks and
threats to their lives.
Thirdly, even criminal
and cases of corrupt practice proceed to prosecution after the
election period and aggrieved parties are in power, still there is
little assurance the perpetrators are prosecuted or punished. The
classic example was the assassination of the late Benigno “Ninoy”
Aquino during the Marcos regime. Years after he was killed, his wife,
Corazon, took over power by way of the peaceful people’s revolt in
1986. But even after Corazon was in power, the likelihood of her
husband’s case being resolved is negligible. There are allegations
that the mastermind and real perpetrators may have not been disclosed,
and those prosecuted have likewise professed innocence to the
assassination. Whatever the case is, the prosecution is delayed and
inconclusive. This is the fact of life in the country’s policing and
prosecution system.
In the Philippines,
the prosecution of perpetrators and offenders in recent times has
proven almost impossible. Not only due to extreme delays and lack of
resources, the ongoing practices of public prosecutors are in itself
arbitrary. In recent times, although the law requires and the
prosecutors are mandated to prosecute of all unlawful offenses, the
usual practice however is otherwise. Prosecutors had taken up the
practice of settling the disputes and criminal cases outside court.
This, presumably in an effort to prevent the piling up of cases in
court, they have become the arbiter instead and the government
directly endorses this as methods to promptly and to speedy resolved
cases. The prosecutors could find this practice as a convenient excuse
not to perform their duties. Often prosecutors are even complaining of
over criminalization of offenses, and have already downplayed victims
complaining of torture as normal. The victims and complainants are
often left with no option but to settle amicably.
For victims and
complainants who decided to settle cases outside court and those
vulnerable to being offered money, in most cases does not mean they
are no longer interested in seeking legal action. It is the harsh
situation and the systematic defects that frustrates them and forced
them to the corner to yield. In a condition of insecurity, lack of
protection, the delays and high cost in the prosecution of cases,
among others, the entrenched bad habit of “forgiving and forgetting”
have pierced into the fabric of Filipino society. It is the
impossibility of prosecuting perpetrators in a rotten criminal justice
system that forced victims to give up and yield. Nothing is wrong with
the witnesses, victims and complainants refusing or giving up their
cases, but it is the rotten system that forced them to do so that went
wrong.
What is even more
alarming in recent times is that none of these defects, in particular
the country’s policing and prosecution systems, have been taken
seriously as important issues. Not even the electorate, who has all
the right to demand to ensure this, seriously considers this as a
priority. In
Hong Kong, the election turnout for Filipinos’ absentee voting was
extremely low, blaming distrust and possible cheating of the electoral
process that discourages them to cast votes. What is even more
frightening are people are now directly or indirectly giving up their
right to vote, even in normal situations. Once again, the electorates
are forced by conditions in the country to distrust and lose faith
that change is possible in a rotten system.
After May 14, the
political leadership--from local, national and sectoral – could
change; but unless the core of why injustice, corruption and poverty,
among others, is effectively and properly addressed by giving priority
to improving the country’s criminal justice system and to ensure its
functioning, no substantial progress will ever be achieved. The Asian
Human Rights Commission (AHRC) urges the Filipino and the
international community concerned about the worsening condition of
human rights in the country to take this opportunity to discuss and to
reflect on this systemic defect to give meaning to the electoral
process and discourse. Unless the electorate and the leadership deeply
reflect on this systemic defect, the cycle of escalating poll
violence, assurance of complete impunity and the like remains
inevitable in a rotten system. These problems for a long time have
been a reflection of the collapse of the rule of law in the country.